On April 18, 2025, a 19-year-old college student in Bhopal gathered the courage to report a harrowing incident that would soon uncover one of the most shocking crimes in the city's recent history. She approached the Bag Sewania police and shared a disturbing account involving a person she once considered a friend. That person, now identified as Farhan, had introduced himself using a fake Hindu name and carefully built her trust. Once she let her guard down, Farhan sexually assaulted her and secretly filmed the act without her consent.

The trauma did not end there. According to her complaint, Farhan used the video as a tool of blackmail. He began threatening her, attempting to control her every move by holding the footage over her head. He also pressured her to change her religion. “Farhan threatened to make the video viral if I did not comply with his demands,” she stated in her police complaint. Fearing immense social stigma, isolation from family, and being blamed or shamed, the young woman chose to stay silent initially.

However, the psychological toll was immense. With continued counseling and repeated reassurances from the police that her identity would remain confidential, she finally filed a formal First Information Report (FIR). That step not only marked her stand against the accused but also triggered a much deeper investigation.

As police officials began probing further, they came across an even more alarming revelation. The young woman disclosed that her younger sister had also been trapped and abused by the same group. According to her, Farhan’s associates had drugged and coerced her sister into performing sexual acts. Like the elder sister’s case, the abuse was filmed to be used as blackmail. Both victims were students at a well-known engineering college in Bhopal.

This case turned out to be just the tip of the iceberg. Within days of the news becoming public, multiple young women came forward, revealing similar experiences involving rape, emotional manipulation, and video-based extortion. Most victims pointed to a common group of men, suggesting that the incidents were not isolated but part of a well-organized and deliberate campaign.

An Organised Racket Uncovered (April 19–25, 2025)

By April 25, it became clear to the Bhopal Police that the crimes were not the work of an individual but part of a well-coordinated and systematic “grooming” racket operating in the city. Investigations revealed a horrifying pattern. At least three female students from a private college on Raisen Road had filed FIRs. Each account detailed a similar tactic: gaining trust through fake Hindu identities, building friendships, drugging, sexual assault, filming, and finally using the videos for blackmail. A fourth victim was also being counseled and was expected to come forward soon.

The mode of operation had chilling similarities to the infamous Ajmer gang-rape and blackmail case of 1992, in which a large number of girls had been trapped and exploited. Like that case, the Bhopal incident involved repeated manipulation of vulnerable students—girls who were either new to the city, lived away from their families, or had minimal emotional support. They were befriended and betrayed by people who pretended to care.

Bhopal Police Commissioner Harinarayanchari Mishra took swift action. He announced that multiple Special Investigation Teams (SITs) had been set up to deal with the situation. These teams were tasked with locating every suspect, ensuring no victim was overlooked, and investigating each complaint with urgency and care. By April 25, two arrests had already been made, and a wide-ranging manhunt was launched to track down the remaining members of the group.

Investigators quickly realized the scale of the operation was far bigger than they had initially imagined. They estimated that the number of both victims and accused was likely much higher than what had been reported at that point. Digital evidence and testimonies suggested that this predatory behavior had been ongoing for over two years, during which the group had targeted multiple girls.

One of the most disturbing findings was that the accused had deliberately concealed their religious identities. They introduced themselves using Hindu names and even altered their appearance and behavior to blend in with the Hindu students they were targeting. Once a girl was emotionally connected, the trap would be set. Farhan Ali, also known by the alias “Faraz”, was revealed to be the ringleader. He had been enrolled in the same private college as many of the victims. He befriended the first complainant when she was still a minor, pretending to share her faith and values. After months of grooming, he assaulted and blackmailed her.

Two of Farhan’s close friends, also students, followed the same strategy. They created fake Hindu profiles, groomed girls from the same college, and subjected them to the same cycle of abuse. This pattern made it evident to the police that it was not coincidental—it was organized and planned.

Given the nature of the crime, the FIRs included provisions under the Madhya Pradesh Freedom of Religion Act, a law that seeks to prevent religious conversions through deception or coercion. Since at least one of the victims was a minor at the time of the assault, sections of the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act were also applied, in addition to charges of rape and criminal intimidation.

Modus Operandi: Friendship, Deceit, and Blackmail

As survivors opened up and police continued their investigation, the full method used by the gang to trap Hindu girls began to unfold. This wasn't random crime—it was systematic, deliberate, and deeply disturbing. The accused, all young Muslim men in their early 20s, carefully chose their targets—college girls who stayed in hostels, away from family support, and those from economically weaker backgrounds.

They didn’t introduce themselves as Muslims. Instead, they used Hindu aliases, styled themselves to look like liberal Hindu youths, and blended into student circles. Their charm offensive included flaunting luxury cars, expensive bikes, and flashy clothes to create a false sense of security and attraction. One of them, Sahil Khan, even ran a dance academy in Bhopal's Ashoka Garden. The shocking detail? He allegedly allowed only Hindu girls into his classes. This wasn’t about dance—it was about gaining trust. Sahil would later "hand over" these girls to the gang after gaining their confidence.

The girls, most of whom were dreaming of better futures, were slowly lured into friendships. They were taken to cafes, pubs, hookah lounges, and made to feel special. Then came the trap. The accused would invite them to what seemed like an innocent outing—a group study session, a casual dinner, or a meet-up at a friend’s place. In one case, Farhan took a girl to a rented house in Jahangirabad, where others were already waiting. Loud music would be played to drown out cries for help. The girl would be drugged—either through spiked drinks or sedated cigarettes.

Once the girl was unconscious, she was gang-raped. But what makes this crime even more chilling is how the gang would record the assault. Mobile phones were used to film each other while one raped the girl. In some cases, Farhan would rape while Ali recorded, and vice versa. These weren’t hidden recordings—they were deliberate, planned for control.

The horror didn’t stop there. These videos were then used to blackmail the victims. They were told the footage would be posted online or sent to their families unless they did what they were told. Some girls were even forced to bring more friends, including their own sisters, into the gang’s web to protect themselves. In the first FIR, one girl confessed that she introduced her friends under pressure, which led to more girls being trapped and assaulted.

The abuse wasn’t just sexual—it was psychological and religious. One victim recounted how Farhan forced her to wear a burqa, made her eat meat she normally avoided, and demanded that she convert to Islam. He said he would “forgive” her only if she obeyed, or else he would ruin her life with the leaked video. Police invoked the Madhya Pradesh Freedom of Religion Act, as the gang had used religious deception and coercion to target their victims.

The most horrifying revelation came during interrogation. Farhan showed no remorse. He boasted to police that raping Hindu girls was a "virtuous act," a form of jihad, and he was proud of his actions. He said he considered it "sawab"—a good deed in religious terms—and instructed others to use Hindu names and specifically target girls in hostels or those with weak family connections. His statements revealed a deep mix of radicalism and misogyny, showing this wasn’t just about lust or money, but a targeted mission against Hindu women.

Arrests and Accused: A Six-Member Gang (April–May 2025)

With the magnitude of the crime unfolding, Bhopal Police acted fast. Farhan, the main accused, was the first to be arrested around April 21–22. Along with him, his close friend Saad was also taken into custody. During questioning, Farhan’s mobile phone revealed graphic videos involving several girls. These videos also helped identify more members of the gang.

By April 25, Commissioner Harinarayanchari Mishra confirmed two arrests and said one more suspect was absconding. The next day, the police caught Sahil Khan, the dance instructor whose role had been key in identifying and delivering girls to the gang. Evidence, including messages and videos, confirmed his involvement. A separate FIR was lodged against him for using his dance classes to exploit girls.

Around the same time, police identified Ali as another major player. Known to be the one recording many of the assaults, Ali went into hiding. But on April 28, based on a tip-off, police raided a hideout in Nizamuddin Colony. Ali tried to escape by jumping from a height and broke his leg in the process, but police caught him. DCP Priyanka Shukla confirmed that Ali, a resident of Aishbagh, was in custody under five-day police remand.

With Ali’s arrest, four of the core accused were behind bars. The other two—Nabeel and Abrar—managed to flee. Originally from Bihar, they had been living in Bhopal as students. They often provided their rented rooms as locations for the crimes. Nabeel initially ran to Murshidabad in West Bengal, but later returned to Bhopal, thinking police wouldn’t search for him there. On May 1, acting on fresh leads, police caught Nabeel from a rented house. His laptop and phone were seized, revealing more evidence, and he was sent to police custody until May 5.

Only Abrar remained absconding. Believed to be moving between Bihar and West Bengal, police teams were dispatched to track him. He had played a central role by offering his flat for the rapes and allegedly guiding new members on how to trap girls. He was declared a "crucial player" by the Bhopal Police.

During the investigation, another name surfaced—Shamsuddin, also known as “Shaji.” He was reportedly in charge of transporting victims to the locations. It remains unclear if he was one of the main six accused or an additional accomplice. The gang seemed to operate like a well-oiled machine—some lured, some recorded, others hosted, and a few handled logistics. Reports even suggest that Rs 500–700 were paid to local agents for each girl successfully brought in.

By early May 2025, just 20 days after the first FIR, police had arrested or detained 11 individuals. These included the six core members and others who aided or abetted the crimes—from sheltering the accused to distributing or saving the videos. Dozens of devices were seized. Police forensic teams are working to recover deleted data and identify more victims. Some videos reportedly show Farhan burning girls with cigarettes, and he had a folder in his phone where he kept these videos like trophies, police sources said.

Evidence of Videos and a Pornography Plot

As the investigation into the Bhopal grooming gang deepened, police uncovered a disturbing layer to the already heinous crimes. Farhan, the alleged ringleader, was found to have been in contact with at least one pornographic website, exploring the possibility of selling the rape videos the gang had recorded. This revelation came to light during Farhan’s interrogation, where he admitted to considering monetizing the abuse. His smartphone contained search history and links related to uploading content on adult sites, indicating a premeditated plan to profit from the victims' suffering.​

Further investigations revealed that Abrar and Nabeel, two of Farhan's close associates, had encouraged this plan. They had learned about online dealings and suggested selling the videos as a means to make money. In one chilling instance, when a victim from Indore began ignoring Farhan's calls, he and his friends conspired to "teach her a lesson" by threatening to upload her assault video online. This plan was ultimately thwarted by the police crackdown, but the very contemplation of such an act has horrified investigators and the public alike.

Beyond digital evidence, the police have gathered substantial physical and forensic evidence from various crime scenes across Bhopal. Apartments in Ashoka Garden and Jahangirabad were identified as makeshift "rape dens" used by the gang. Forensic teams collected DNA samples from these locations, with early results reportedly matching some of the accused to the assaults, thereby strengthening the case against them. The Forensic Science Laboratory (FSL) is also working diligently to recover any deleted data from the suspects' devices, focusing particularly on Sahil's phone due to his role in recruiting girls.​

In a bid to uncover the full extent of the gang's operations, investigators are compiling a list of all girls who came into contact with the accused. For instance, 30 young women who attended Sahil's dance classes are being contacted and interviewed to determine if any of them suffered abuse that went unreported. Authorities fear there may be many more silent victims, intimidated into secrecy by the gang's threats.​

Courtroom Drama and Public Outrage (April 28–29, 2025)

News of the grooming gang case spread rapidly across Madhya Pradesh, igniting massive public outrage. The gruesome details—young Hindu girls drugged, raped on camera, and blackmailed—led to an outpouring of anger on social media and on the streets of Bhopal. This anger reached a boiling point when the first three arrested suspects were brought to court.​

On April 28, as Farhan, Saad, and Sahil were produced at the Bhopal district court for their remand hearing, hundreds of local lawyers staged a protest that quickly turned chaotic. The lawyers, along with a crowd of citizens gathered outside, demanded capital punishment for the accused. They shouted slogans like "Bharat Mata ki Jai" and labeled the crimes as an insult to the nation, reflecting the communal undertone of the case.​

As police escorted the accused out of the courthouse and into a vehicle, the enraged crowd attacked them. Some young lawyers managed to breach the police cordon and physically assaulted the prisoners, raining blows on them even as they were handcuffed. One of the accused, Saif Ali (identified as Ali or Sahil in other reports), was rescued and taken away safely, a police official said, but another—reportedly Saad—was caught by the mob. Saad was dragged and beaten; his clothes were torn to shreds before additional police intervened. The scene was so volatile that officers had to deploy quick-response teams and allegedly even tear gas or pepper spray (though police later denied using gas) to disperse the crowd. It took nearly five hours for order to be restored. Ultimately, the judge had to halt proceedings and later conducted the hearing via video-conference for safety. Farhan and another accused were remanded to police custody, while Sahil and Saad were sent to judicial custody pending trial.​

Earlier that same day, tensions were also high during the mandatory medical examination of the accused. When police brought Farhan and Sahil to JP Hospital for a check-up, a group of activists from a local Hindu organization, Sanskriti Bachao Manch, gathered there and protested vehemently. They demanded that the "rapists" be handed over to the public and even threatened to blacken the accused's faces. The agitation forced police to abort the hospital procedures midway; they rushed the accused back into the vehicle to prevent any lynching attempt. Only after backup forces arrived could the medical tests be completed under tight security later. These episodes highlighted the explosive public anger surrounding the case—a rare instance where members of the bar and civil society, who usually uphold law and order, took justice into their own hands out of fury.​

Women's rights organizations and student groups also reacted strongly. Protests were held at various colleges in Bhopal, with students demanding safer campuses and condemning the accused. Candlelight vigils were observed for the victims. The National Commission for Women (NCW) took cognizance of the case, given its gendered and sexual violence nature. The NCW chairperson publicly expressed anguish and dispatched a fact-finding team to Bhopal to assist with the investigation and ensure the victims' welfare, especially since some victims were minors. Media reports noted that the NCW planned to work with the police to fast-track the case and also offered the survivors legal aid and counseling support. Human rights groups, while condemning the crimes, urged the public to let the law take its course and not target any community in retaliation. Nevertheless, on social media, many users openly labeled the incident as an act of "love jihad"—a charged term referring to a conspiracy of Muslim men seducing Hindu women for conversion.

Prominent lawyers in Bhopal justified the extreme reaction in court as an expression of collective disgust. "Young lawyers are especially enraged by this incident… If such crimes happen, those involved will be hit," senior advocate Rajesh Vyas told reporters, unapologetic about the mobbing of the accused. The legal community's ire was emblematic of society's broader cry for justice in this case.

Political and Official Reactions

The brutal revelations in the Bhopal grooming gang case did not just shock the public; they triggered an immediate and strong response from the Madhya Pradesh government. Chief Minister Dr. Mohan Yadav, who visited Bhopal in the midst of rising outrage, wasted no time in making his stance clear. In a press briefing held on April 27, he sent out a direct and stern warning: “Whoever commits a crime will be punished… our government will not tolerate any kind of jihad or love jihad on the soil of the state.” 

Yadav further added that no perpetrator would be spared, not even those who try to hide across state borders or in other parts of the country. His repeated emphasis on the term “love jihad” signaled a political positioning—that this was not just a criminal case, but a religiously driven targeting of Hindu women by Muslim men under false pretenses. He reiterated that Madhya Pradesh is a state with no place for crime or criminals, and vowed that the police would hunt down every person involved, “whether he is inside the state or fled outside,” and bring them to justice.

Behind the scenes, the state government moved quickly to ensure that the legal machinery was in motion. Police were directed to apply the harshest charges possible. In addition to invoking Section 376 (rape) of the Indian Penal Code, the accused were also booked under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, since one of the victims was just 17 years old at the time of assault. The M.P. Freedom of Religion Act, 2021 was also included, given that the accused had hidden their Muslim identities and allegedly coerced the girls to convert to Islam using blackmail and threats.

Officials further revealed that they were exploring the option of charging the gang under organized crime provisions, treating them as a criminal syndicate. This would help deny bail and make legal procedures more stringent. Given the national interest and widespread public anger, there were calls to move the case to a fast-track court. In response, Bhopal’s Police Commissioner assured the public, “We will leave no stone unturned in the investigation,” emphasizing that this case would be treated as a top priority until each and every culprit was convicted and jailed.

The National Commission for Women (NCW) also responded. Chairperson Rekha Sharma issued a public statement describing the case as “heinous” and praised the victims—especially the younger girls—for their bravery in coming forward despite the immense trauma. The NCW dispatched an inquiry committee to Bhopal with a mission to monitor police investigations, recommend preventive measures for educational campuses, and ensure legal aid and mental health support for the survivors.

Meanwhile, civil society and women’s rights groups amplified their outrage. Several prominent activists demanded exemplary punishment, including consideration of the death penalty, citing not only the sexual violence but also the intent to torture and dehumanize the victims. In their view, the crime was not just about sexual gratification or manipulation, but an act of deliberate hatred and dominance, carried out under the garb of friendship and love.

This incident reignited the political debate around “love jihad” laws, especially in Madhya Pradesh, one of several Indian states that had already passed legislation to prevent fraudulent interfaith relationships. What made this case even more politically significant was that just a month before the crimes came to light, CM Yadav had already proposed a law amendment allowing death penalty for those found guilty of forced religious conversion. He had framed it as a move to protect “our innocent daughters” and prevent exploitation through deceit.

In fact, at a public event on March 8, Yadav had declared, “Such people should not be allowed to live,” indicating a policy shift toward stronger legal deterrents. His earlier statement now appeared prescient. In the wake of the grooming gang revelations, state ministers reiterated the need for tougher laws, citing this case as clear evidence of why stricter measures were necessary. There was also talk in administrative circles about invoking the National Security Act (NSA) against the accused, which would allow detention without bail or trial for extended periods—though no official confirmation was issued as of early May.

The narrative of “Muslim gangs targeting Hindu girls” has gained traction in both media and public discourse. Members of the ruling BJP cited the case as part of a larger pattern of what they called religiously motivated sexual crimes, whereas opposition parties cautioned against turning a tragic incident into a tool for polarization. They argued the focus should remain on justice for the victims and not be diverted into sectarian blame games.

Ongoing Investigation and Path Ahead

As of the first week of May 2025, the Special Investigation Team (SIT) was working at full capacity. Five survivors had already formally recorded their statements, and more were expected to do so soon. Encouraged by arrests and media support, several girls who had earlier stayed silent were now slowly coming forward. The police were actively searching for the remaining absconding accused—Abrar was expected to be arrested any day. Each of the arrested individuals was being interrogated separately, with the aim of understanding the full scope of the conspiracy.

This case had evolved into a complex web—multiple victims, multiple crime scenes, cross-state hideouts, digital evidence, and a gang operating like a criminal enterprise. Police were building a watertight case with the help of forensic experts, cybercrime specialists, and legal consultants.

The public demand for quick and severe punishment was growing louder. Protests, editorials, and online campaigns all called for a fast-track trial, so that justice could be delivered in a matter of months, not years. In line with this, the state government began discussions to appoint a special public prosecutor—one who is experienced in handling sexual violence cases, digital evidence, and organized crime. Chief Minister Mohan Yadav even appealed to the state’s Chief Justice to personally oversee the progress of the case, underlining its significance and sensitivity.

Meanwhile, the MP High Court, in response to the earlier lawyers’ violence at the court premises, urged the Bar Council to maintain legal decorum. However, the Court also acknowledged the “exceptional provocation” caused by the nature of the crime.

The survivors, most of them still in shock, are now under protective care. Some have been moved to safe houses or other cities to shield them from media glare and any potential retaliation. Professional counseling is being provided to help them cope with trauma. One senior police officer put it plainly: “The courageous survivors deserve comprehensive justice,” and promised they would not be left alone in their healing journey.

Across Bhopal and beyond, there has been a wave of empathy for the girls. Social workers, community groups, and ordinary citizens have referred to them as “daughters of Bhopal”, calling for their protection, healing, and dignity. Public sentiment has moved beyond outrage—it has morphed into a deep demand for justice, accountability, and reform.

The Bhopal grooming gang case now stands as a landmark moment in the state’s legal and political history. It has exposed how easily trust can be manipulated, how cultural and religious divides can be exploited, and how systemic safeguards failed to protect the most vulnerable. But it has also shown that survivors can rise, the state can act, and society can demand change.